theme: WARS OF FORMER YUGOSLAVIA: THE SOCIOLOGY OF ARMED CONFLICT AT THE TURN OF THE MILLENNIUM
issue date: june 2002
The Etiology of Interstate War: A Natural History
Argument, Persuasion, and Anecdote, The Usefulness of History to Understanding Conflict
The Future of War?
Typology of Armed Conflicts on the Territory of the Former Yugoslavia in the 1990's
Yugoslavia became a nation in 1919 and it ceased to exist as a nation in 1991/92. It was always a problem for a social scientist or a historian to explain to the English speaking audience that there were many "nations" living in Yugoslavia. It was even a matter of pride and courage in 1980s to say in front of international audience that one came from Slovenia or Croatia which happened to be in Yugoslavia. The rebellion in Chechnya started as national uprising became a war for independence and is today considered by many as terrorist activity. Yugoslavia was a nation in 1991 and so for the outside spectators civil war started in Yugoslavia in 1991 when Slovenia and Croatia declared indepen¬dence. Already during the Ten-day war for Slovenia one could hear journalists speaking on TV that a peaceful land was attacked by Yugoslav Army... The armed conflicts in the territory of former Yugoslavia could be considered a rebellion, or a civil war. When Croats and Serbs fought in Croatia, this could be considered a rebellion from the point of view of the nation of Croatia or a civil war by Serb rebels. In my paper the dilemmas of how to name those conflicts will be discussed. In the introduction I shall start with typology of wars and violence in the territory of the former Yugoslavia from the 19th century onwards and continue into the 20th century. The issues of conflicts that occurred during World War II shall be discussed in brief and then the typology of conflicts on the territories of former Yugoslavia in 1990s which I touched upon already above. In first years of the new millennium the conflicts continued in Macedonia and there are conflicts on Piran bay for which we all hope that shall be resolved peacefully.
Under the Holy Lime Tree, The inculcation of Neurotic & Psychotic Syndromes as a Serbian Wartime Strategy, 1986. - 1995.
This article looks at some of the recurrent themes in Serbian propaganda 1986–95, examining their operation in inculcating collective neurotic and psychotic syndromes and noting the relevance of those syndromes for the war against Croatia and Bosnia, 1991–95. Six pivotal themes in Serbian propaganda are examined: 1. Victimization, in which Serbs were constructed as collective victims first of the NDH, then of Tito’s Yugoslavia, and more specifically of Croats, Albanians, Bosniaks, and other non-Serbs. 2. Dehumanization of designated ‘others’, in which Croats were depicted as ‘genocidal’ and as ‘Ustaše’, Bosniaks were portrayed as ‘fanatical fundamentalists’, and Albanians were represented as not fully human. These processes of dehumanization effectively removed these designated ‘others’ from the moral field, sanctifying their murder or expulsion. 3. Belittlement, in which Serbia’s enemies were represented as beneath contempt. 4. Conspiracy, in which Croats, Slovenes, Albanians, the Vatican, Germany, Austria, and sometimes also the Bosniaks as well as the U.S. and other foreign states, were seen as united in a conspiracy to break up the SFRY and hurt Serbia. In this way, the Belgrade regime’s obstinate disregard for the fundamental standards of international law was dressed up as heroic defiance of an anti-Serb conspiracy. 5. Entitlement, in which the Serbs were constructed as ‘entitled’ to create a Greater Serbian state to which parts of Croatia and Bosnia would be attached, under the motto, ‘All Serbs should live in one state'. 6. Superhuman powers and divine sanction. The Serbs were told that they were, in some sense, 'super'. They were the best fighters on the planet, they could stand up to the entire world, they were sanctioned by God himself, be cause of Tsar Lazar and the fact that Lazar had chosen the heavenly kingdom. Moreover, since Lazar had chosen the heavenly kingdom, the Serbs, encouraged to view themselves as Lazar’s heirs, were entitled to the earthly kingdom which Lazar had repudiated, as their patrimony.
From Politics of Difference to Politics of Space: Consequences of War on Social Life in the City of Vukovar
This paper is based on an ethnographic research conducted during the year 2001. and 2002. in the city of Vukovar. Several things make Vukovar an interesting example. First, it is the Croatian city most destroyed in the war and also the city that suffered the greatest number of casualties. Second, its pre-war ethnic structure was relatively heterogeneous. And third, this area was peacefully reintegrated into the Republic of Croatia. Author examines a specific phenomenon of social polarization in spatially mixed neighborhoods and its consequences on understanding and the use of urban space. As a result of national order of things, a dominant epistemological field through which social reality is perceived, ethnic borders are produced and cultural differences are emphasized. In a very stressful post conflict and spatially mixed environment these ethnic borders tends to establish themselves in a space-territory. In such circumstances creation of a territory (by marking and colonization processes) has two important functions: protection of a personal security and identity-stabilizing mechanism. Author concludes that the consequence of translation of social to spatial polarization, in condition of ethnic heterogeneity, is punctuational social life. In other words, in a city of Vukovar islands of social life are present and between these islands there are undefined and unsafe spaces.
Mine Situation in Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia
The 1997 Mine Ban Treaty (MBT) prohibits the parties of the treaty to produce, stockpile, import or export, sell and transport mines. The International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL), which is an association consisting of hundreds of non-governmental organizations headed by Ms Jody Williams, the 1997 Nobel Peace Prize winner, played a decisive role in the passing of the Treaty. The Treaty has so far been signed by more than 140 states and 126 of them ratified it. The Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) joined the convention on 9th September 1998. The situation in Macedonia and the way the authorities treat the MBT are by no means satisfactory. Macedonian policy on most of the issues can be characterized as discontinuous and disorganized, as well as wanting in programs and plans. There are no programs that ban the use of mines and, consequently, there is no coherent policy. Macedonia supports the convention completely but at the same time does nothing to implement it. Ever since the ethnic Albanian minority rebelled against the Macedonian Government in March 2001, there have been reports on the use of mines, and especially anti-tank mines. The number of recorded incidents has increased. These incidents were caused by detonations of anti-tank mines. The Macedonian authorities have not yet issued any statement confirming or denying the possibility that the Macedonian army used mines in the conflict with the ethnic Albanian minority.
Treading Water: Women, Feminism and the Military
This paper consists of five parts. Part I argues that, contrary to common perceptions, the attempt of modern feminism to put relations between men and women on a new and equal basis is not going anywhere. Part II extends the argument to the military and war, suggesting that women have only made limited inroads into “the last bastion" of male superiority and that what inroads they did make have often been more illusory than real. Part III argues that, even to the very limited extent women have succeeded in penetrating the military, the process has peaked and may now start going into reverse. Part IV suggests that, both in civilian life and in the military, what achievements feminism can show have been bought at such heavy cost as to be counterproductive. Finally, part V sums up the argument by suggesting that, both in civilian life and in the military, feminism’s quest for liberation has been both a myth and a cul de sac. And the faster women realize it, the better both for them and for men.
Croatian Officers Opinions on Croatia's Entering Politico-Military Integrations
Armed Forces of the Republic of Croatia (AFRC), founded just over a decade ago under unfavorable circumstances of armed conflict, are now facing the challenge of joining European and Euro-Atlantic politico-military alliances. As preparations for and the actual membership in these organizations, especially in NATO, require a number of significant changes (from those in conceptions and strategies of national security and defense to those in social status of a professional soldier) officer corps’ acceptance of these changes is an important factor determining success of the accomplishment of integration processes. Study on a convenience sample of 268 senior and junior officers in the AFRC, conducted in the course of 2001, was an attempt to get an insight into their opinions regarding different aspects of Croatia’s joining politico-military integrations (from NATO membership to bilateral military cooperation between former SFRY countries). Results revealed that the majority of the respondents accept entering the politico-military alliances (NATO, military Euro-integrations) as a guarantee of external/military security and as a precondition for technological modernization of armed forces. At the same time, Croatian officers, almost without an exception, think that even after joining NATO, AFRC should keep their capabilities of independent action according to national interests. A degree of skepticism regarding the NATO membership is connected to the estimation of potential loss of country’s sovereignty, as well as to the relatively unfavorable estimation of the real contribution of Croatia’s membership in “Partnership for Peace” to country’s military security.
Positon of the Serbs in the Armed Forces of the Independent State of Croatia 1941. - 1945.
The article deals with the position of Serbs in the regular army (Home Guard) of the Independent State of Croatia (ISC). Immediately after the establishment of ISC in April 1941, Serbs were not included in Croatian Home Guard. They were not allowed to serve in Home Guard as officers or non commissioned officers. Serb reservists and recruits were not called to serve in the Home Guard units. In the first period after the establishment of ISC, Serb population was victim of numerous crimes committed by the Ustasha regime and various self-established Ustasha groups. Such development only contributed to the massive uprising of Serbs against the ISC, which later developed into a well organized partisan movement. In early 1942, Croatian authorities changed their attitude toward Serbs and introduced a more moderate policy in order to secure their loyalty. Home guard began establishing special labour units which were filled mostly with Serbs. Many Serbs were also sent to Third Reich as labour force. In the final period of war Serbs were even allowed to enter the fighting units of Home Guard.
Operation Allied Force and Limits of the Airpower
Operation Allied Force can’t be taken as a proof of the idea of winning war by using airpower alone, which was expressed in the works of the early prophets of the airpower (Dhouet, Trenchard, Mitchell). This military operation must be analysed in the framework of the concept of coercive airpower operations, instead of using early airpower theories (today, the value of the early airpower theories is primary historical). Together with other successful examples of coercive airpower operations, operation Allied Force showed that airpower application can be successful only if it’s combined with parallel implementation of different political, economical and military measures.
Marijan, Davor: Smrt oklopne brigade: Prilozi za istraživanje rata za Hrvatsku i Bosnu i Hercegovinu 1990.-1992. Zagreb - Sarajevo: Zoro. 2002. (Ozren Žunec)
Moskos, Charles C., Williams, John A. i David R. Segal /ur./ (2000.): The Postmodern Military - Armed Forces after the Cold War. New York - Oxford: Oxford University Press. (Tarik Kulenović)
Galović, Milan (2001.) Rat u transformaciji. Zagreb: Naklada Jesenski i Turk. (Simona Kuti)
Conference report: "NATO and EU Enlargement and the Consequences for SE Europe" , Geneva, 29.8.-1.9.2002., organization of conference: DCAF-a. (Marko Trnski)
Conference report: "WARS OF FORMER YUGOSLAVIA: THE SOCIOLOGY OF ARMED CONFLICT AT THE TURN OF THE MILLENNIUM", Zagreb 6 - 8 December 2002, organization of conference: Hrvatskog sociološkog društva. (R. I.)
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